Living Under the Dome: A Social and Statistical Examination of Residential History at the Dayton Arcade: 1904-1980

By Marcel Tworek

Introduction

“FOR RENT—Furnished rooms, with modern conveniences, inquire 457, Arcade Apartments.”[1] This advertisement, from the Dayton Daily News in 1904, was for the brand-new Arcade in the city of Dayton. The Arcade was a mall-like structure with shops, restaurants, and an indoor marketplace. Remembered today as a beautiful example of an early glass covered shopping centers constructed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the existence of the Dayton Arcade’s apartments are often forgotten. And yet, from its outset, the Arcade was a residential as well as a retail and commercial enterprise. People occupied apartments at the complex between 1904 and 1980. During that time, living there changed in many ways.

Advertisement from a Dayton Daily News, March 29, 1904.

In 1904, residents lived at one of the busiest places in Dayton, a city bursting with innovation. By the 1950s, the Arcade was owned by Arthur Beerman and Robert Shapiro soon after. Occupancy in Arcade apartments increased to its peak at this time. The shopping and dining available at the Arcade made it an attractive place to live through the 1960s-70s. But both the apartments and quality of life at the Arcade had begun to decline by then. Suburbanization and deindustrialization were draining the life of Daytonians downtown. Policies designed to deter crime, as well as renovations, disrupted life there even further.

This photo from the Dayton Daily News showcases a room in a typical apartment at the Fourth Street building of the Dayton Arcade.

The Arcade Apartments

When the Arcade first opened in 1904, three main buildings held apartments: the Gibbons Arcade, the Third Street Arcade, and the Fourth Street Arcade. The Gibbons and Third Street buildings both had their residential sections starting on the second floor where they were mixed with some stores.[2] The third and fourth floors of both buildings were strictly residential.[3] The Gibbons building had an extra fifth floor of residential apartments.[4] As time passed, the management of the Third Street building shifted away from commercial businesses on the second floor and increased the residencies.[5] When this took place, more people were able to move into the Third Street building compared to the Gibbons building. Throughout its history, the apartments in the Third Street building were in high demand because people had easier access to the Arcade. In the 1950s, an extra floor was added to match that of the Gibbons building which still had some commercial use on the second floor.

Figure 1

Figure 1: This photo of the 1918 Sanborn map of the Arcade showcases where the Gibbons, Third Street, and Fourth Street Arcade apartments would have been during the time.

Figure 2

Figure 2: This image of the 1918 Sanborn map of the Dayton Arcade highlights where the Third Street apartments were located.

The physical characteristics of the apartments also changed over time. The location of some apartments shifted. At the outset, they were located on the upper floors of the Gibbon’s Arcade entrance on Third Street or the Fourth and Ludlow Street entrance. This can be seen in the 1918 Sanborn map seen above. There were small, single-occupant residencies in which the tenants shared bathrooms in the Gibbons and Third Street complexes. There were some differences in the styles of apartments based on location in the complex. For example, the photo above showcases an apartment located in the Fourth Street building. The more luxurious, multi-bedroom apartments were located in the Fourth Street building. One of the signature features for the apartments on the upper floors were this type of arched window. These arched windows were exclusive to only the fourth floor and even then, not all the apartments on that floor featured them. The rooms shown here were in all likelihood were part of the eight-room suites that were on this floor. Some, if not all, of these apartments even had built-in China cabinets.[6]

The Third Street apartments, as outlined here in the 1918 Sanborn map, were not as nicely appointed, as can be seen in image one below. They were advertised as having “Shared bathroom, sleeping-room apartments,” marble fixtured bathrooms, and simple wood doors to enter the living space.[7] Another feature was tilt windows above the door that allowed air in the apartment, seen in image one here. From image two, we can see that this side of the Arcade was in the center of the city. Across Third Street can be seen Dayton’s nineteenth-century neoclassical city hall. The Gibbons building is closer to the old city courthouse than the Third Street apartment side. The first photo here shows a room from the Third Street building, but it is reasonable to assume that these rooms are similar, if not the same, as the ones that would be in the Gibbons building. Looking at some of these photos of the apartments tells a great deal of what these living spaces were like.

Image One

Image One is taken from the Dayton Daily News showcases the entrance to an apartment in the Third Street building.

Image Two

Image Two shows a view of the city courthouse from an apartment in the Gibbons building.

Early History of Apartment Living at the Arcade

In 1937, the Daytonian Ethel Zwick lived at the Dayton Arcade.[8] Well known in Dayton as the proprietor and operator of Zwick’s Flower Shop, Zwick occupied one of the apartments on the upper floors of the main rotunda building.[9] Another resident of these early days was Mrs. Noll. She later recalled that the complex retained much of its early twentieth-century ambiance. “When I moved in, there was a livery stable down there dividing the alley, and there were horses and carriages for rent.”[10] Mrs. Noll lived at the Arcade for nearly thirty years and into the 1960s. Another resident, Gary L. Eubank, described some of the features of the apartment his grandmother had rented in the 1930s. The apartment “overlooked the dome and she had two bedrooms, a dining room, a living room, a bath and a kitchen up there.”[11] The owner at the time had wanted to make the apartment she occupied smaller, Gary explained. That caused his grandmother to move down from the fifth to the fourth floor where the room was much smaller, but not as small as the new owner had planned to make her old apartment.[12] Apartments at the Arcade were more in demand during the 1930s and the new owner wanted to maximize profits.[13]

The situation faced by Mr. Eubanks’ grandmother characterizes the dynamic which drove the evolution of apartment living in the first place. Urbanization led to the growth of living spaces in cities. Without access to mass transportation, many people needed to live near where they worked. Apartment-style accommodations were one solution. Apartment living has been part of urban life since the time of the Romans, according to Anitra Nelson in her book, Small is Necessary.[14] Apartments rapidly evolved during the era of industrialization. Migration into cities led to the development of new types of apartment architecture.[15] Nelson explains that apartment buildings developed “distinctive physical and social characteristics related to the rise of new construction techniques, design trends and multi-unit social housing.”[16] Early industrializing nations like France and Britain greatly impacted future apartment design. This explains why some apartment buildings have a distinct “French” or “British” style.

In early twentieth-century Paris, there were roughly 85,000 apartment dwellings. The average French apartment was typically smaller than most other countries precisely because of their high demand.[17] A study was done by the League of Nations in the mid-1930s detailed that most apartments in France had only two to three rooms, while those in the United States had roughly four and a half rooms.[18] In France, as elsewhere, the development of mass transportation led to growth in apartment size throughout the twentieth century. Back in the United States, the rise of the apartment building took place near the end of the nineteenth century. Companies such as NCR, or National Cash Register, were drawing tens of thousands of people to the city. Naturally, the demand for what Nelson calls “multi-unit social housing” increased.[19]

Photo from the National Register of Historic Place showcasing the Insco Apartment Building.

Some of the first apartment buildings appeared in Dayton around the mid-to-late-1800s. One of the most prominent was the Insco Apartment Building located off West Monument Avenue and North Main Street. Designed by Charles Insco Williams, this building had five floors of apartments.[20] It remains there today. In the 2010s the building was added to the list of the National Register of Historic Places.[21] This building along with another apartment building by Williams, the Bellevue apartment house, paved the way for others in the city.[22]

One woman, Katheryn Borgerding, exemplifies the early-twentieth-century country migration to Dayton that drove the development of apartment buildings. She left her family farm in the 1920s to find a job in the city.[23] Her daughter Ramona explained that Katheryn went to work in a factory first, then eventually made her way to work for the Sunshine Biscuit.[24] By 1947, Ohio was one of the eight leading states in terms of both volume and concentration of manufacturing in the United States.[25] Large paychecks and access to work led to growth.[26] These factors made Ohio one of the best states to live and work in during the early twentieth century. No wonder demand for apartments was high at the Arcade.

Arcade Occupancy Over Time

The occupancy for all three apartment buildings at the Arcade varied at different points in its history. Data collected by a local researcher designated as “Guest Jeffrey” on the Gibbons/Third Street apartment building, reveals the number of residents who occupied these buildings varied between 1918 and 1975.[27] Occupancy at all the Arcade apartments seems to have peaked in 1930, with a slight decline shortly after.[28] In the 1940s, this decline could be attributed to the Second World War or better-paying jobs. 

Figure 3

Figure 3: Occupancy graph created with data collected by “Guest Jeffrey” shows the number of Gibbons/Third St. apartments from 1918-1975.

Figure 4

Figure 4: This graph details occupancy by floor in the Third Street Arcade from 1930-1975.

Figure 5

Figure 5: This graph details occupancy by floor in the Gibbons Arcade from 1930-1975.

The decrease in renting after 1960 could have been due to the depopulation of the city as some moved to the suburbs. While living in the city was good for finding affordable housing and jobs, more and more people would begin to find better places to work and live outside the city. The movement to suburbia was driven by both push and pull factors. One of the main push factors was racial prejudice.[29] The pull factors included the affordability of homes in the suburbs and the ability to get a car.[30] With more people wanting to move to the city for job opportunities, an equal amount of people were trying to move out of the city for quite possibly the same reasons. However, as time lapsed, living in the city was simply less beneficial for many people and the city’s net population declined. These factors would eventually lead to a decline in residents in Dayton and at the Arcade.

Figure 3 shows the number of apartments in the Third Street and Gibbons buildings starting in 1918. This graph also shows growth primarily in the Gibbons apartment complex. Between 1918 and 1940, the Gibbons Arcade peaked in 1930 with approximately thirteen apartments on the second floor.[31] The graph from figure 5 reveals that there were eighteen, seventeen, and fourteen tenants on the third through fifth floors respectively.[32] Figure 3 also shows that the Third Street apartment building had around six residencies in total in 1930, most likely due to renovations.[33] In the following decades between 1940 and 1950, there were only five residencies.[34] This is likely due to the fact the first two floors were mainly being rented out for commercial use. This would change later when the second floor would be converted into apartments.[35] The Third Street complex’s peak number of residencies was from 1960-70.[36]

Figure 6

Figure 6: This graph details the number of apartments in the Fourth Street building starting in 1930.

Figure 7

Figure 7: This graph details the total Arcade occupancy starting in 1930.

Figure 8

Figure 8: This image of the 1918 Sanborn map of the Dayton Arcade highlights where the Fourth Street apartments were located.

The Fourth Street Arcade apartments, outlined in this photo of the 1918 Sanborn map, were somewhat different than the Gibbons and Third Street apartments. In the 1930s, the number of apartments for the Fourth Street apartments was higher than those of the other buildings.[37] Most of the residencies were on the fifth floor.[38] The Fourth Street Arcade apartments, while being some of the fancier apartments, were also flattering to single people. There were two types of apartments at the Fourth Street complex, two-room efficiency apartments, and eight-room suite apartments.[39] The two-room efficiencies were on the third, fourth, and fifth floors. But the eight-room suites were only on the third and fourth floors.[40] The Gibbons and Third Street buildings, on the other hand, had one to two-room apartments.[41] The increase in apartments starting in 1955 is likely due to the renovations done by the new owner, Robert Shapiro. The graph reveals that the renovations created around 30 more apartments for the Fourth Street building.[42] The renovations likely subdivided the existing apartments allowing for an increase in occupancy in that building. Over the next twenty years, however, the number of apartments steadily declined from about 65 to 55.

This photo gives another look at the arched windows on the fourth floor of the Fourth Street apartment building.

Figure 9

Figure 9: This image of the 1918 Sanborn map of the Dayton Arcade highlights where the Gibbons Arcade apartments were located.

From this data, we can determine the number of residents in each building and per floor:

 

  • In the Third Street building, the 30 residents occupied the building in 1930.
  • The Gibbons complex, as seen here in figure 9, had occupancy peak in 1950 with around 73.
  • The Fourth Street building had its highest number of residents in 1955 with 65 people.
  • The second floor of the Gibbons building had the most tenants with 23 in both 1950 and 1960.
  • The Third Street building had the least tenants with three in 1955 on the second floor.

The 1940s

The 1940 United States census and the William’s Dayton City Directories allow us to take a close look at various statistics for people who lived at the Arcade. The census records contain information needed to determine race, age, gender, where a person lived, and many other data for people at the Arcade. The image below taken from the original 1940 census logs, reveals the information that was gathered. The city directories are sources similar to modern-day yellow pages that have information on every person and business in a city. They contain information on people that lived in the different Arcade apartments, their occupation, and some family information. The census logs four addresses for Arcade residents: the “West Third Arcade,” “West Third Gibbons Arcade,” “Fourth Street Arcade,” and the “Gibbons Arcade – West Third Street.”[43] By contrast, the Williams’ city directory from 1940, identified apartments at the “Fourth Street Arcade,” the “Gibbons Arcade,” and the “Third Street Arcade.”[44] The two Gibbons groups in the census were undoubted, one and the same.

This sheet from the 1940 United States Census was filled out by the Lahman family. There were 4 members of the family, but the son, Lawrence, was on the next sheet. three of the four names can be seen on the bottom of the sheet.

The ratio between male and female residents is a fascinating place to begin to analyze the data. Out of 151 total people living there at the time (as counted by the census), approximately 29% (44) of the Arcade residents were male.[45] Women comprised 71% (107).[46] The high percentage of women might be the result of several factors. The development of the draft in preparation for the coming of World War Two was not one of them. The military draft was not established until September 16, 1940 and is unlikely to have affected the number of men living at the Arcade.[47] The war itself did not begin until December 1941. The data collection for the census would have also been collected earlier in the year and possibly in the year prior. This means the draft is not likely to have affected this data set.

A more likely explanation is that men simply lived at the Arcade in fewer numbers. However, in the years of the Great Depression, the Civilian Conservation Corps created thousands of government jobs until around the start of World War Two.[48] This also moved men away from their homes, for the most part, to work in rural areas around the country and live in camps.[49] This might account for the low number of men in 1940. Another explanation is that by 1940, war production had increased the number of high paying jobs in Dayton. Having better jobs than the women, men may have moved out of the Arcade in larger numbers. By 1940, unemployment rates had dropped dramatically in the U.S. from their peak during the Great Depression. As war production increased, the economy began to recover from the Depression, the rate would begin to go down as more people got employed. As figure 10 shows, the rate in 1939 was close to 17% and dropped to 15% by 1940.[50]

Figure 10

Figure 10: This chart from the Bureau of Labor Statistics depicts the unemployment rate in the United States from 1930-45. This helps determine how the rate of employment drastically changed at the beginning of the 1940s.

The war certainly affected life at the Arcade in other ways. In a newspaper article from the Dayton Daily News from 1943, the writer discusses how there has been a sort of loss of social life at the Arcade as the war went on.[51] The author of the article may not be specifically speaking about the Arcade, rather he might be referring to the national mood during the war. If so, this is a good indication as to why the Arcade had come to represent the community as a whole. The Arcade certainly seemed darker. The Arcade’s dome was even painted over in the 1940s to protect against air raids.[52]

Kathy Borgerding, who lived at the Arcade during the early 1940s, detailed how she had to move out of her apartment because of an unspecified housing problem.[53] Borgerding had to move over to the Embassy apartments.[54] There were not enough accommodations downtown because of the extraordinary influx of workers into the city. The Embassy was a new apartment complex.[55] It was a temporary move. She moved back to the Dayton Arcade and continued to live there for the next thirty-seven years until it closed for renovations in the late 1970s.[56]

Many others, like Borgerding, came to Dayton in the 1940s to help in the war effort. Another striking feature from the census data is the number of single residents. The census data shows a majority of tenants living at the Dayton Arcade were single, widowed, or divorced.[57] Individual renters comprised roughly 67% of all the people who lived there.[58] Of these, approximately 30.4% were single, 26.5% were widowed, and 10% were divorced.[59] By contrast, 33% of the people at the Arcade were married. Two tenants were listed as married, but living alone.[60] Perhaps, they were brides of husbands who had volunteered for the military before the draft.  

Another interesting aspect of the census data that might explain the tendency towards seniors and women living at the Dayton Arcade is the average age of occupants. The total average age for people living in the Arcade in 1940 was 50.6 years old.[61] The average age for men was 50.6 while the average age for women was 50.5.[62] At the time the census was taken, the national average age for both men and women was approximately twenty-nine years old.[63] Most people in the United States in 1940 were fairly young. And yet, the data reveals that the average age for people living at the Dayton Arcade was considerably older than the national average. The high age of the average Arcade resident might be explained by their data on occupation. Generally, young men would have better employment opportunities than women and the elderly. Of the 153 people living at the Arcade, 35, or roughly 23%, either held no job or were retired.[64] Having such a high percentage of people that might be retired begins to explain why the average age at the Arcade was higher than the national average. The types of occupations may also explain why the ages were higher. Some of the more common jobs held by tenants included seamstresses, waiters and waitresses, salesmen or salesladies, beauticians, and clerks.[65]

While the majority of jobs were service occupations, there was a small number who held jobs that sounded as if they required certain technical, or special knowledge. For example, Theodore Spicer worked as a “photo engineer” which may have involved creating certain types of photographs for different industrial purposes.[66] This small number of professional occupations, like lawyers or doctors, reveals that the Arcade did not have the right accommodations for them.

Between these occupational data and the data that shows people who were living alone, it suggests that we are dealing with people who are unmarried, widowed, single, or divorced. These were the kinds of people for whom apartment living was much more affordable and relevant to their work locations. It would also be reasonable to surmise that at least some of those working as janitors, elevator operators, cashiers, or cooks might have done this at shops or restaurants in the Arcade.[67] It appears that many tenants at the Arcade were older men, and especially women who were unmarried and employed in service sector jobs that did not pay well.

The 1950s-80s

Life at the Arcade seemed to take a different turn after the 1940s. For one, the number of people living at the Arcade increased.[68] The total number of apartments had increased by then and largely remained fully occupied. There was an increase of people living in all three of the apartment buildings, with their total residency reaching around 170 in 1955.[69] This was the peak for people living at the Arcade. Occupancy would decrease slightly after 1970.

After the war, servicemen and women returned and started families and many of them needed accommodations. The housing industry experienced a boom as more families needed homes.[70] Almost all of this development took place in the new suburbs. Veterans who had returned from overseas now had access to a college education, which improved personal income and allowed them to buy a home and start a family.[71] One industry that was rapidly growing was the automobile industry. By 1955, the number of cars produced in the U.S. had multiplied four times over as people purchased cars to drive to their suburban homes.[72] In this sense, the General Motors plants in Dayton not only provided jobs, they built the cars that workers used to drive to and from work. As people moved to the suburbs, so did the shopping. The suburban shopping center, or mall, experienced a boom in the post-war era with an increase from only eight in the entire United States to nearly 4,000 by 1960.[73] The development of suburbs and malls played a large part in the eventual decline of downtown retail shops. The same was true for the Arcade retail as well as its apartments.

A look at the Gibbons/Third Street building main entrance and interior from 2019.

Photo courtesy of Dayton Metro Library. This photo showcases what the Third Street/Gibbons facade looked like in the early twentieth century.

All these developments would seem to have negatively impacted the Arcade’s ability to fill its apartments. But in the 1950s and early 60s, there was little sign of this. In the first fifteen or so years after the war, not everyone in the growing nation was moving to the suburbs. Downtowns, like Dayton, remained vibrant centers of business and residence. At least until the mid-1960s, growth in Dayton led to vibrant post-war, urban culture life. The Arcade’s new owner in the 1950s, Arthur Beerman, decided to raise the rent for commercial tenants. In an interview with Robert Rafner, he explained that raising the rent made it harder for his father’s business especially since fewer customers came to the Arcade.[74] However, businesses like Smales Pretzels thrived thanks to people visiting the Arcade. Chuck Smales, the owner, explained that Beerman allowed him to move into the Arcade.[75] He sold around 4-5,000 pretzels every Friday and Saturday.[76] Some of those buying Smales pretzels lived at the Arcade.

A look at the vibrant life of Main Street in 1956.

Apartment remodeling also took place in 1955. The second floor of the Third Street apartment building was made more residential.[77] The total number of residential units at the Gibbons and Third Street building reached its peak in 1960 at thirty. For the Fourth Street complex, the apartments were to be subdivided to open more residential spaces.[78] This brought the total number in the complex up from approximately 36 to 66. This move also made it so there was closer to an equal number of apartments on the third through fifth floors.

Even though more apartments were opened up in the 1960s, occupancy began a slow and steady drop in the three apartment complexes. Between 1955 and 1960, the total residential occupancy dropped from around 170 to around 150.[79] This decline in residency would continue until the Arcade closed in 1980. In 1975, the residential occupancy was just under 140.[80]

One reason might have been an increase in crime downtown. Mr. Gary L. Eubanks’ grandmother was once followed up to her apartment.[81] His grandmother no longer felt safe there and chose to move out, although she kept her lease.[82] Another former resident who chose to leave the Arcade from crime-related causes was Weldon Peelle. In an article from The Dayton Daily News, he describes how he was recently robbed and decided he needed to move somewhere safe and away from the city.[83] This type of urban decline was becoming a problem in the United States and Dayton. Around the 1980s, there was a negative amount of growth in cities and the years leading up to then also showed a steady decline in growth in the United States overall.[84] For Dayton, this decline might be attributed to push factors like crime.

This was not the only factor that would lead to an end of life at the Arcade. Eventually, by the later 1960s, the outward flight of people from downtown and the opening of suburban malls was hurting the Arcade. One of the most famous and popular places, Culp’s Café, did not last past the 1970s. Former owner and operator Dorothy Culp explained:

The malls had started to be developed, and instead of staying downtown and going to a movie and then eating at our place, people went home and ate and watched television. Downtown was beginning to fade in the 1960s. We just began to see the signs and we had the opportunity to sell it.[85]

Culp’s Café was a huge success in the Arcade over the years and was a place where people from all over would share a meal. The decline of these businesses surely hurt interest in living at the Arcade. More on Culp’s Café and other restaurants at the Arcade can be found in the “Restaurants & Bars” topical history by Kevin McDougal, link at the bottom of the page. Without places like Culp’s Café, living at the Arcade became less attractive.

A not so common view of the Gibbons/Third Street building from the roof. The windows seen here would likely be from the hallways of these two complexes.

In the late 1970s, Arcade management underwent renovations to counter the decline.  One resident, Harold Higgins, told The Dayton Daily News he was worried that he might not live to see the finished renovations.[86] His love and sense of loss were evident: “I wish some of the excitement of those old days comes back when they get the old arcade open again.”[87] The newer Arcade, he said, would never be as good as the original.[88] The Dayton Daily News reported in October of 1980 that there were plans to renovate and reopen at least twenty-seven to fifty-four apartments.[89] They explained that “one major company,” that being the Mead Corp., was planning on renovating 27 of the housing units.[90] In an earlier article from The Dayton Daily News, there was speculation that the 60 units would be renovated and put on the market as condominiums.[91] However, there was no clear plan for the future and these 50-60 units never materialized.

Because there were no real plans for the future, the closing of the Arcade and its apartments could have happened at any time. Many of the tenants at the Arcade, both retail and residential, had their own views of their last days there before the closing for renovations. Murl Kidd who worked at Arcade Meats for thirty years explained how it broker her heart that she had to close her shop when it used to be a place for all people to come and enjoy what they offered.[92] Another shop owner, Ruth Disher, explained that “Everyone knew everyone and sometimes we would get together on weekends for parties or picnics.”[93] For some, moving out of the Arcade meant more than just losing their shops or apartments, they also lost a part of their social lives.

Conclusion

Back in May of 1980, there remained a few people at the Arcade about a year after it had closed for renovations. They were supposed to have moved out by this time.[94] Nevertheless, fourteen people, all elderly, remained.[95] They claimed to never have received the order to vacate.[96] They remained even after renovations began and the buildings were unsafe to live in. One woman, Mary Brown, who was turning 90 did not want to leave and was happy staying at the Arcade.[97] Eventually, the remaining fourteen were forced out. Residential tenants never returned to the Arcade and ten years later it closed.

These two photos show how the apartment rooms deteriorated over time.

With the Arcade’s ownership changing over the next twenty years, any plans for the apartments were being abandoned. The decision to not doing anything with the apartments led to their deterioration over this time. Even from 1980-1986, the manager of the Arcade, Frederick Bayley, explained that those in the Gibbons building were not up to code.[98] Apartments that had once been filled with a diverse group of men, women, and children with different careers were no longer fit to be occupied. And while some of the retail shops were able to come back after the renovations, some of the social life they got from the people who lived at the Arcade was lost.

Today, the Dayton Arcade is being rebuilt and remodeled. There are hopes that it will live up to the beauty and grandeur of its former self. Plans include remodeled apartments. Life at the Arcade in the future, however, may be drastically different than what we have seen in the past. When the first phase of renovations at the Arcade is complete, Dayton Daily News reports, there will be 120 new apartments.[99] Many of these will be rented out to artists and creative professionals, but it will also be filled with small businesses and shops catering to the locality of the city of Dayton.[100] This could also mean that the Arcade will be geared more towards a younger demographic. Those who knew it in the past may not entirely recognize it after the renovations.

Endnotes:

[1] “For Rent – Houses,” The Dayton Daily News, March 29, 1904.

[2] Guest Jeffrey, Jeffrey’s Arcade History-Combined, Accessed March 21, 2020,  p. 47. Guest Jeffrey was a researcher on all sorts of information on the Dayton Arcade and its surrounding buildings. While his identity is not explicitly known, his research is some of the only information we may have on certain parts of the Dayton Arcade, such as the apartment buildings.

[3] Guest Jeffrey, Jeffrey’s Arcade History-Combined, p. 47

[4] Ibid, p. 47

[5] Ibid, p. 51

[6] Ty Greenlees, “Inside the Dayton Arcade: What Does It Look like Now?,” Dayton Daily News, October 30, 2017, https://www.whio.com/news/things-inside-the-dayton-arcade-that-made-beautiful-its-height/K3wUxVpieQK4EEUMMObiYM/.

[7] Ty Greenlees, “Inside the Dayton Arcade: What Does It Look like Now?”

[8] Amelia Robinson, “8 Things You Never Knew about the Dayton Arcade,” DAYTON.COM, Accessed March 19, 2020, https://www.dayton.com/what-to-love/8-things-about-dayton-arcade/.

[9] “Zwick, Ethel L,” The Dayton Daily News, April 2, 1988.

[10] Dale Huffman, “Arcade’s Grandeur Lingers,” The Dayton Daily News, April 2, 1978.

[11] Nancy Roach, and Joanne Granzow, “ORAL HISTORY of Mr. Gary L. Eubank,” Interview by Nancy Roach and Joanne Granzow, Text of Oral History Interviews, March 21, 2008.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Roach and Granzow, Interview.

[14] Anitra Nelson, “Apartment Living in Cities,” In Small Is Necessary: Shared Living on a Shared Planet, London Pluto Press, 2018, p. 45.

[15] Ibid., p. 45.

[16] Ibid., p. 46.

[17] C. Sidney Bertheim, “Housing in France,” Land Economics 24, no. 1 (1948): p. 50, Accessed April 4, 2020. doi:10.2307/3159500.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Anitra Nelson, “Apartment Living in Cities,” p. 46.

[20] “Asset Detail,” National Parks Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, Accessed April 5, 2020, https://npgallery.nps.gov/NRHP/AssetDetail?assetID=43289ec9-8a88-4cb0-aae0-4ba938240dc5.

[21] Cornellus Frolik, “16 Dayton buildings get historic designation,” The Dayton Daily News, June 9, 2014.

[22] Augustus Waldo Drury, “History of the City of Dayton and Montgomery County, Ohio,” Google Books, (Chicago-Dayton: S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1909), p. 1008, Accessed April 3, 2020,

[23] Nancy Roach, “ORAL HISTORY about Kathryn Borgerding,” Interview by Nancy Roach, Text of Oral History Interviews, February 7, 2008.

[24] Roach, Interview.

[25] Vera R. Kilduff, and James T. Russell, “Industrialization in the United States,” Journal of Marketing 16, no. 3 (1952) p. 307, doi:10.2307/1247544.

[26] Kilduff, and Russell, “Industrialization in the United States,” p. 313-14.

[27] Guest Jeffrey, Jeffrey’s Arcade History-Combined, Accessed March 21, 2020, p. 49-53. In these pages, Jeffrey has created multiple charts and graphs that showcase occupancy over time for all the different apartment buildings at the Arcade. The numbers indicate how many tenants there were in each building on each building’s first floor of apartments. There seems to be some inconsistencies with Jeffrey’s data. In the total occupancy for all the buildings in 1930, there are around 133 residents. But in his other data he says there were no residents in the Third Street building in 1930. This creates a problem because then if there were no residents, then the 133 for total for the year would drop to 103 total residents. There are about thirty people missing from this data, that just randomly are around in the total occupancy. We must then assume Jeffrey got some of his data wrong and that there were around thirty people living in the Third Street building in 1930. Otherwise his total occupancy numbers are wrong, and he meant to put 103 instead of 133.

[28] Guest Jeffrey, Jeffrey’s Arcade History-Combined, p. 49-53.

[29] William Schneider, “The Suburban Century Begins,” The Atlantic, Atlantic Media Company, July 1992, https://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/politics/ecbig/schnsub.htm.

[30] William Schneider, “The Suburban Century Begins.”

[31] Guest Jeffrey, Jeffrey’s Arcade History-Combined, Accessed March 21, 2020, p. 49.

[32] Ibid., p. 49.

[33] Ibid, p. 52.

[34] Ibid, p. 49.

[35] Ibid, p. 51.

[36] Ibid, p. 49.

[37] Ibid., p. 53.

[38] Ibid., p. 53.

[39] Ibid., p. 39-41.

[40] Ibid., p. 40.

[41] Ibid, p. 51.

[42] Ibid.,  p. 53.

[43] U.S. Census Bureau, 1940 United States Federal Census, 1940. When beginning the task of collecting data on the numerous people that lived, or may have lived, in the Arcade apartments, the first place where data was gathered was in the 1940 United States Census. The first task was to determine which of the multiple apartment buildings were available. As the data collected only from the 1940 census, an assumption must be made that there were apartments in all these buildings from the Arcade’s opening at the beginning of the 20th century until their closing in 1980. However, one of the first problems that came with identifying the buildings was whether there was a difference between the “West Third Arcade, “West Third Gibbons Arcade,” and “Gibbons Arcade – West Third Street.” This, of course, will be where data from the Williams’ city directories will come in handy so the data could be cross-referenced.

[44] Williams’ Dayton City Directory. Cincinnati, OH: The William’s Directory Company, 1940. The city directory lists the names of the individuals that lived in these apartments. What can now become problematic here is that we now have four different, and possible, apartment locations from the census above, with now only three from the directory. One possible way to go about looking at this data is to simply compare names from those in the city directory and those in the census and see which names match up where, if any new ones show up, and if some names are left out. For continuity, I have only considered the Gibbons Arcade, the Third Street Arcade, and the Fourth Street Arcade buildings as the only apartment complexes.

[45] U.S. Census Bureau, 1940 United States Federal Census, 1940.

[46] Ibid.

[47] “Research Starters: The Draft and World War II: The National WWII Museum: New Orleans.” The National WWII Museum New Orleans. Accessed April 16, 2020. https://www.nationalww2museum.org/students-teachers/student-resources/research-starters/draft-and-wwii.

[48] History.com Editors, “Civilian Conservation Corps,” History.com, A&E Television Networks, May 11, 2010, Accessed April 18, 2020, https://www.history.com/topics/great-depression/civilian-conservation-corps.

[49] “Civilian Conservation Corps.”

[50] Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Graph of U.S. Unemployment Rate, 1930-1945,” HERB: Resources for Teachers, Accessed April 18, 2020, https://herb.ashp.cuny.edu/items/show/1510.

[51] “Capital Unit Transferred to Asheville,” The Dayton Daily News, January 12, 1943.

[52] Curt Dalton, Home Sweet Home Front : Dayton during World War II, (Dayton, OH: 2002), p. 34.

[53] Nancy Roach, “ORAL HISTORY about Kathryn Borgerding,” Interview by Nancy Roach, Text of Oral History Interviews, February 7, 2008.

[54] Roach, interview.

[55] Nancy Roach, “ORAL HISTORY about Kathryn Borgerding,” Interview by Nancy Roach, Text of Oral History Interviews, February 7, 2008.

[56] Roach, interview.

[57] U.S. Census Bureau, 1940 United States Federal Census, 1940.

[58] Ibid.

[59] Ibid.

[60] Ibid.

[61] Ibid.

[62] Ibid.

[63] “A Look at the 1940 Census,” United States Census Bureau, Accessed April 3, 2020, https://www.census.gov/newsroom/cspan/1940census/CSPAN_1940slides.pdf.

[64] U.S. Census Bureau.

[65] Ibid.

[66] Ibid.

[67] U.S. Census Bureau. There would be more information here on some people who might have worked in the Arcade and lived there. The problem arose when Covid-19 had our work fall somewhat short as libraries and archives were closed and we had to move back home. In the future if the data can be collected, this will be reedited.

[68] Guest Jeffrey, Jeffrey’s Arcade History-Combined, Accessed on March 21, 2020, p. 49-53.

[69] Ibid., p. 49-53.

[70] “The Postwar Economy: 1945-1960,” Accessed April 6, 2020, http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/outlines/history-1994/postwar-america/the-postwar-economy-1945-1960.php

[71] “Postwar United States – American Memory Timeline- Classroom Presentation: Teacher Resources,” Library of Congress, Accessed April 6, 2020,  http://www.loc.gov/teachers/classroommaterials/presentationsandactivities/presentations/timeline/postwar/.

[72] “The Postwar Economy: 1945-1960.”

[73] Ibid.

[74] “ROBERT RAFNER (telephone interview),” Interview,  Text of Oral History Interviews.

[75] Nancy Roach, “ORAL HISTORY from Mr. Chuck Smales,” Interview by Nancy Roach, Text of Oral History Interviews, April 2008.

[76] Roach, Interview.

[77] Guest Jeffrey, Jeffrey’s Arcade History-Combined, Accessed on April 6, 2020, p. 51-52.

[78] Ibid., p. 53.

[79] Ibid., p. 53.

[80] Ibid, p. 53.

[81] Nancy Roach, and Joanne Granzow, “ORAL HISTORY of Mr. Gary L. Eubank,” Interview by Nancy Roach and Joanne Granzow, Text of Oral History Interviews, March 21, 2008.

[82] Roach and Granzow, interview.

[83] Dale Huffman, “Movin’ On,” The Dayton Daily News, April 8, 1976.

[84] Leah Platt Boustan, Devin Bunten, and Owen Hearey, “URBANIZATION IN THE UNITED STATES, 1800-2000,” NBER Working Paper Series, (Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2013), p. 11. https://scholar.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/lboustan/files/research21_urban_handbook.pdf.

[85] Diane Wallace and Nancy Roach, “ORAL HISTORY from Mrs. Dorothy Culp,” Interview by Diane Wallace and Nancy Roach, Text of Oral History Interviews, February 2008.

[86] “82-Year-Old Recalls Good Old Days,” The Dayton Daily News, May 28, 1979.

[87] Ibid.

[88] Ibid.

[89] Wes Hills, “Flight To Inner City: Rush to renovate, rent Arcade housing a signal of coming trend?,” The Dayton Daily News, October 26, 1980.

[90] Wes Hills, “Flight To Inner City: Rush to renovate, rent Arcade housing a signal of coming trend?.”

[91] “Arcade apartment redesign planned to spur city living,” The Dayton Daily News, October 8, 1980.

[92] Wes Hills, “Sad farewells echo at Arcade as era ends,” The Dayton Daily News, October 26, 1977.

[93] Dale Huffman, “Arcade veterans glad, sad renewal,” The Dayton Daily News, May 16, 1976.

[94] John Hackman, “14 Still Living in Arcade Apartments,” The Dayton Daily News, November 19, 1980.

[95] Hackman, “14 Still Living in Arcade Apartments,”

[96] Ibid.

[97] Ibid.

[98] Friends of the Arcade, “Frederick Bayley,” Text of Oral History Interviews, March 10, 2008.

[99] “Celebrating phase one of Arcade redevelopment,” The Dayton Daily News, May 25, 2019.

[100] Cornellus Frolik, “New Dayton Arcade Plans: Pop-up Restaurants, Micro Apartments, ‘Secret’ Tenant,” The Dayton Daily News, October 13, 2017, https://www.daytondailynews.com/news/dayton-arcade-pop-restaurants-micro-apartments-secret-tenant/75FtD9EsxCFoFfrTW1FVbI/.

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